648. Stark, Rodney and William S. Bainbridge. "Of Churches, Sects and Cults: Preliminary Concepts for a Theory of Religious Movements." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 18, 1979: 117-33. Reprinted and revised as "Concepts for a Theory of Religious Movements." In Alternatives to American Mainline Churches edited by Joseph H. Fichter. Barrytown, NY: Unification Theological Seminary, 1983.
Questions of "ultimate meaning" are the central point in any definition of religion: e.g., the purpose of existence, justice, suffering, afterlife, etc. Religion is a system that answers these questions in terms of supernatural intervention in or influence on earthly affairs. The authors reify "ultimate meaning" to be "explanations" of how various "rewards" (material and otherwise) may be obtained. Where the rewards are scarce, "compensators" may be used: promises of delayed gratification or "postulations of reward according to explanations that are not readily susceptible to unambiguous evaluation." These are like IOU's; intangible promises. Compensators may be specific or general, like reinforcers. The specific ones are of limited value and narrow scope: an antibiotic is a specific reward, a magical treatment a specific compensator. "Heaven" is the most general compensator. Ultimate meaning questions are resolvable only in terms of these, and religions organize them into systems.
649. ———. "Networks of Faith: Recruitment to Cults and Sects." American Journal of Sociology 85 (6), 1980a: 1376-95.
Radical conversions are strongly supported by social networks and by "direct rewards" (material, psychological, or spiritual) that movements offer. The congruence of relative deprivation with ideology, on one hand, and social networks, on the other, is complementary; networks are not important in "mildly deviant" occultism. Conversion is likeliest where one "has a problem, believes in the possibility of supernatural interpretations of the problem, and essentially is unchurched" (p. 1381). Where joining is socially "costly," greater deprivation is required. They propose their "direct rewards" view.
650. ———. "Towards A Theory of Religion: Religious Commitment." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 19, 1980b: 114-28.
The authors' exchange paradigm is continued. People will pay to get rewards, but they also avoid paying (costs): a lost or foregone reward is a cost, and an avoided cost is a reward, so there is complementarity, a necessity for human action. If one usually gives reward B for reward A, the value of A is greater than the value of B. [At least from one's own point of view: obviously the other partner in the transaction does not share it.] A reward is general if it includes other (less general) rewards. [And if it includes more or equally general rewards?] Some rewards cost less than their own foregoing, i.e., are profitable. This all is involved in solving problems, the calculation of loss and rewards. Explanations are necessary in this process, being statements of how to get rewards and what they will cost, and thus they are sought, which makes them rewards in themselves. Some rewards are limited and some even don't exist. Seeking rewards forces exchange relationships, employing Benthamite rationality. Power is control over the exchange ration.
[All of this seems to me nothing more than a needless elaboration of the truism that people ordinarily behave in ways that they think will benefit them.]
651. ———. "American-Born Sects: Initial Findings." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 20 (2), 1981a: 130-49.
Most American sects--417 were studied--have shown little or no growth. The authors attribute this to "tension with their environment" such that those that have abated this show greater growth.
652. ———. "Secularization and Cult Formation in the Jazz Age." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 20, 1981b: 360-73.
Secularization is self-limiting since it leads to the emergence of cults (religious innovations) where churches are weak, and to sects (schisms) where churches are strong (Barker, 1986).
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